Ask Embassy Haiti

On the eve of the second anniversary of the January 12, 2010 earthquake – and as part of a coordinated two-week media blitz designed to counter the increasingly negative perceptions of the United States’ role in Haiti’s reconstruction — the US Embassy in Haiti invited the public to participate in their first Twitter Q&A. Using the hash-tag #askembhaiti, they proposed a twitter town hall, an open conversation in Kreyol, French and English designed to showcase the projects and works they had undertaken over the past two years.

“Get your questions ready! Ask us about the US govt’s work in Haiti. Live Q&A with embassy staff at 11 AM today,” they tweeted from @USEmbassyHaiti. “We are taking your questions about US government policy and activities in Haiti.” “We look forward to an interesting conversation with you about the USA and Haiti. #AskEmbHaiti.”

While a disclaimer quickly followed their initial announcement – “Demand and time limitations may make it difficult to respond to every question we receive,” they tweeted – the questions, perhaps invariably, were more revealing than the answers.

When @livefromhaiti asked, “What is your stance on the revival of the Haitian Army?”  the response from @USEmbassyHaiti foretold the stream of empty, 140-character bromides to come. “Haitian National Police has been, and continues to be,” they tweeted, “the USG’s top priority for improving security in Haiti.” When @livefromhaiti wondered, “How come Haiti is listed as a dangerous place to travel when it has one of the lowest homicide rates in the Caribbean?” they responded “USG provides accurate, current info for our citizens. Info in travel advisories is factual, based on real experiences.” When @dominique_e_ tweeted, “Dear @USEmbassyHaiti, why does President #Obama continue failed Reagan and Bush policies in Haiti?” They suggested he “See @whitehouse’s Global Development Policy for latest info: tinyurl.com/385rpvr #AskEmbHaiti.”

Only once, on the question of impunity for Jean Claude Duvalier, did @USEmbassyHaiti’s Twitter Q&A resemble anything near a dialogue. Though even this floundered on the shoals of bureaucratic double-speak and, finally, a simmering exasperation.  “Dear @USEmbassyHaiti,”  @dominique_e_ tweeted, “why do you fight democracy in Haiti while supporting impunity for Duvalier?” “We support rule of law in Haiti,” they responded, “Haitian people + justice system must decide how to end impunity.” @nathanyaffe quickly tweeted a follow up question. “Does what you just said count as an admission that there is impunity for the UN and Haiti today? #AskEmbHaiti.” Their response, “We don’t follow your drift.”

Still, the questions posted by the above-mentioned accounts, as well as from @djaspora, @wesleylaine, @Transafrica, and others, kept coming. They provide a clear-eyed vision of the nature of US-Haiti relations and the terms of reconstruction. Why were you outspoken against Aristide’s return in the run-up to his arrival in Haiti, but not Duvalier’s? Why does @USEmbassyHait act as if Aristide is a threat to Haiti while prolific human rights abuser Duvalier coddled? Why is US not helping Haiti get restitution from @UN for causing cholera outbreak? Why has the U.S. government been so consistently opposed to hold UN troops accountable, even in the face of raped minors? Is MINUSTAH’s occupation of Haiti linked to US plans for perm military base to control Latin America? Since Bill Clinton’s policies have failed Haiti (his own words), why has Obama sent him back to Haiti? Why are sweatshops and luxury Hotels being built with U.S. government support? Is this sustainable? Why has there been no environmental impact assessment re Caracol industrial Park? If @USAID took environmental degradation in Caracol into consideration, where is the report @USEmbassyHait? Why has @USAID and @USEmbassyHaiti fought the minimum wage, leading to a ‘race to the bottom’? Only 2.4% of U.S. govt contracts went directly to Haitian firms. What is being done about this? Given the dismal track record of interference in Haiti’s affairs by the USG, why should we believe this time will be better? Why do you consistently claim that disproven sweatshop ‘development models’ are good for Haiti? How can State Dept spur development when it won’t allow Haiti gov’t to make decisions it doesn’t like? Why is your administrative bunker in Tabarre the size that it is? What about self-sufficiency for the Haitian Government so that NGOs are not necessary? Given low levels of actual violence, how do you justify spending ~1/2 of FY2010 quake relief on US military? Why is this decrease of Haiti’s camp population touted as a success, when many were forced back into unsafe ruins? What will be done to stop violent evictions, protect IDP rights under international standards, & get to safe housing?

“We hope you enjoyed this Q&A as much as we did,” @USEmbassyHaiti tweeted by way of conclusion. We most certainly did.

editor@thepublicarchive.com

Image: Port-au-Prince New Embassy Compound (5 July 2007), United States Department of State.

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US Embassy Housing Compound Port-au-Prince, Haiti

USHaiti Sorg

The new US Embassy Staff Housing consists of 107 new townhouse units and a new Deputy Chief of Mission residence, along with support facilities, including a recreation center with an outdoor pool and courts, for two separate compounds. The townhomes are large and range from three to five bedroom units. The inspiration for the design is derived from the local Haitian culture and is modeled after the Cubist forms of the “Bidonvilles” (clustered houses hugging the hillside). The bold, colorful forms and materials commonly found in local art, such as brightly colored metals inspire the materials used in the new housing units.

The exteriors of the new Housing are harmonious with the diverse terrain and existing landscape of Port-au-Prince. Exterior finishes primarily consist of cement plaster finish and accent horizontal aluminum panel cladding. Aluminum-framed glazing systems, doors, and windows will be shaded by a Sunshade system of overhangs and trellises.

Sustainability measures have been considered in the development of the conceptual design and include both passive and active features to offset demands on the limited local infrastructure and onsite generation. As a guideline, the USGBC LEED for Homes checklist was used to establish criteria for sustainable design and as a basis for developing appropriate systems and strategies for residential unit development.

Construction will begin in March 2012 and is scheduled to be completed in January 2014.

Client: United States Department of State

Sorg and Associates, US Embassy Housing Compound Port-au-Prince, Haiti, (2012). Click link for more images.

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Haitian Politics Explained

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Teddy Keser Mombrun in Le Nouvelliste (2011). Source: Cartoon Movement (via @bhatiap). Click on image for larger version.

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Cese el terror duvalierista/Stop Duvalier’s Terrorism

Also known as “Baby Doc,” Jean-Claude Duvalier terrorized Haiti from 1971 to 1986, picking up where his father François “Papa Doc” Duvalier had left off. Duvalier’s army and the dreaded Tonton Macoutes death squad systematically beat, imprisoned, tortured, and killed the regime’s political opponents. Nearly 50,000 Haitians were killed under the combined reign of father and son. Duvalier and his profligate wife, Michèle Bennett, looted hundreds of millions of dollars while the Haitian people starved, forcing Haiti to become dependent on foreign aid.

Jeena Shah, “Prosecuting Duvalier,” Counterpunch (11 January 2012)

Image: Félix Beltrán Concepcíon, Cese el terror duvalierista. Stop Duvalier’s Terrorism. (197o-79?). Source: Sam L. Slick Collection of Latin American Political Posters, University of New Mexico.

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Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 12 January 2010

Evelne Alcide, Seisme (Earthquake), 2010. Museum of International Folk Art/Museum of New Mexico. Click links for more information; click image for larger version.

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Ligue Feminine d’action sociale

In 1934, the Ligue Feminine d’action sociale was formed among women of the upper classes. According to Haitian historian Madeleine Boucherau, Ligue members chose to move away from their usual model of inidvidualized patronage to a more communal one of inter-class cooperation which would attack Haiti’s greater social problems. The Ligue founded the “Association des Femmes Haitiennes pour l’Organisation du Travail / Association of Haitian Women for the Organization of Work” in 1935, a foundation for homemakers in 1937, and an organization working on behalf of children’s rights in 1939. The latter pursued legislation for the protection of children and published a journal entitled l’Aube [Sunrise]. A fund for social assistance was created in 1939, following a successful lobbying campaign in 1934 to provide an equal minimum wage for men and women, and three weeks paid maternity leave for women. In 1943, their efforts resulted in the opening of a high school for young women in Port-au-Prince and by 1944, girls were admitted to traditionally male high schools in the capital.

Myriam J.A. Chancy, “Feminism in the Third World: Women in Haiti,” Framing Silence: Revolutionary Novels by Haitian Women (1997)

Image: Haitian girl at a market, circa 1970. Bryan Slides Collection, University of Central Florida, Digital Library of the Caribbean.

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Radical Black Reading, 2011

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While post-Black vapors have intoxicated contemporary culture, many of our favorite books of 2011 were part of a wave of scholarship that re-evaluated the Black Arts Movement and the Black Power era and took a second look at a long-ago time when “black” was still Black. In Body and Soul: The Black Panther Party and the Fight against Medical Discrimination (Minnesota), Alondra Nelson provides a smart and timely evocation of the Black Panther Party’s forgotten community health care initiatives. Art historian Kellie Jones’ lavish Now Dig This! Art and Black Los Angeles, 1960-1980 (Prestel) was published alongside an exhibition of the same name that was part of Pacific Standard Time, a sprawling multisite project on postwar LA art. Howard Rambsy’s The Black Arts Enterprise and the Production of African American Poetry (Michigan) offered an innovative and exciting approach to Black Arts print culture while in Renegade Poetics: Black Aesthetics and Formal Innovation in African American Poetry, poet Evie Shockley (Wesleyan) explored experimentation and form in Black radical verse.

Yet Black Power and Black Arts were not the only examples of black radicalism that came across our desk in 2011. With its stylish and spirited ethnography of everyday life and everyday desire among Afro-Cubans in Havana and Santiago de Cuba, anthropologist Jafari S. Allen’s ¡Venceremos?: The Erotics of Black Self-making in Cuba (Duke) demonstrated how quotidian gestures can embody the most radical practices. Minkah Makalani reconsidered the transnational activism of Black Communists including CLR James, George Padmore, and Cecil Briggs in In the Cause of Freedom: Radical Black Internationalism from Harlem to London, 1917-1939 (UNC). Stephen M. Ward compiled the writings of Detroit autoworker and political philosopher James Boggs in Pages from a Black Radical’s Notebook: A James Boggs Reader (Wayne State). Louis A. Parascandola continued his fantastic work resuscitating the legacy of the enigmatic Guyanese writer Eric Walrond, co-editing, with Carl A. Wade, In Search of Asylum: The Later Writings of Eric Walrond (Florida).

Let’s not forget the independents. 2011 saw a number of wonderful releases from those presses that have fought to forge a public discourse on Black politics and Black culture that is unencumbered by either corporate imperatives or academic distractions. Black Classic Press continued their righteous mission of keeping Black history’s sacred volumes in press by re-issuing Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Pambazuka, who gave us an incredible dossier on the anniversary of Frantz Fanon’s death, released Jacques Depelchin’s Reclaiming African History, a slender but powerful volume on the history and political economy of pan-African dispossession. They also published Africa Awakening: The Emerging Revolutions, a compendium edited by Firoze Manji and Sokari Ekine examining the 2011 uprisings from the perspective – finally – of Africa. The legendary Présence Africaine published Moïse Udino’s meditation on the condition of Antilleans in France, Corps noirs, têtes républicaines: le paradoxe antillais. While London’s Peepal Tree Press has made available the Selected Poems of Una Marson, the great West Indian poet, publisher, broadcaster, and pan-Africanist.

Earlier in the year, our Reading Haiti post highlighted some of the notable volumes published on Haiti since the earthquake – but we completely passed over the titles of independent Montreal publishing house Mémoire d’encrier. Certainly among the most exciting publishers in North America, and rapidly emerging as critical platform for writers from the global south, in the past year alone Mémoire d’encrier has published Rapjazz: Journal d’un paria, Frankéttiene’s poetic meander through Port-au-Prince, Dany Laferrière’s earthquake memoir Tout bouge autour de moi, and Refonder Haiti edited by Pierre Buteau, Rodney Saint-Éloi and Lyonel Trouillot. Refonder Haiti brings together more than forty Haitian writers and thinkers addressing the question of reconstruction.*

Two other assessments of post-earthquake Haiti are due out early in 2012: Haiti: the Aftershocks of History (Metropolitan) by historian and Duke University Haiti Lab co-director Laurent DuBois, and the mammoth anthology Tectonic Shifts: Haiti Since the Quake (Stylus/Kumarian), edited by anthropologist Mark Schuller and NACLA editor Pablo Morales. The contributors to Tectonic Shifts address questions of neoliberalism and disaster capitalism, resettlement and forced evictions, and women’s rights and public health – all of which move us far beyond the vapid pronouncements of a post-black condition.

All best for the New Year.

The Public Archive

editor@thepublicarchive.com

*Thanks to @bulldozia for drawing our attention to these texts.

Image: “The House of Common Sense, the Home of Proper Propaganda,” Lewis Michaux’s National Memorial African Bookstore, 125th St. and Seventh Avenue Harlem (1964). Source: Uptown, Saturday Night. Also, this.

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Punta de Maisí, Guantánamo, Cuba, 25 December 2011

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“Cuban military searches for survivors after 38 Haitian migrants die on boat,” The Telegraph (25 December 2011)

Image: Cory MacDonald, Haitian Refugee Boat on the Beach at the Naval Station Key West (1970s). World Digital Library.

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