Radical Black Reading: Summer 2012

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We hope this summer 2012 edition of Radical Black Reading can offer some respite from the hurly burly of an increasingly anti-Black World. High up on our list of summer reads is a classic from CLR James, one of The Public Archive’s spiritual mentors. A History of Pan-African Revolt, James’ pioneering account of global Black resistance against colonialism and racism, returns to print this summer. Originally published during a period of activity when James somehow managed to pen The Black Jacobins while translating Boris Souvarine’s biography of Josef Stalin, A History of Pan-African Revolt has been rediscovered, as historian Robin D.G. Kelley notes in its introduction, by successive generations of Black intellectuals and activists. It was published as a FACT monograph in 1938, by Drum & Spear in 1969, by Charles H. Kerr in 1995, and now by Oakland, California’s PM Press. For his part, Kelley has followed up on his astounding biography of Thelonius Monk with a volume that implicitly nods to the transnational politics evoked by James. In Africa Speaks, America Answers: Modern Jazz in Revolutionary Times (Harvard), Kelley maps the sonic interchange between jazz and African liberation in the music and thought of pianist Randy Weston, bassist Ahmed Abdul-Malik, drummer Guy Warren, and vocalist Sathima Bea Benjamin.

The history of Black Atlantic crossings and African internationalism is also a theme in a crop of recent books, many of which also interrogate the contemporary history of globalization, neoliberalism, and imperialism. Cheryl Higashida’s Black Internationalist Feminism: Women Writers of the Black Left, 1945-1995 (Illinois) examines how writers including Claudia Jones, Lorraine Hansberry, and Audre Lorde grappled with the literary norms of literary forms while forging a global political community. Anthropologist Jemima Pierre’s highly anticipated The Predicament of Blackness: Postcolonial Ghana and the Politics of Race (Chicago) promises to revise the status of Africa within Black Atlantic discourses while turning the calcified tradition of Africanist anthropology on its head. Paul Tiyambe Zeleza’s peregrinations across the Black World in his In Search of African Diasporas: Testimonies and Encounters (Carolina) provide an eloquent example of a surprisingly rare form of analysis: of the African’s engagement with the African diaspora. Historian Andrew Zimmerman recounts the imperial schemes for the continent launched by the Wizard of Tuskegee in Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South (Princeton). Peter Dwyer and Leo Zeilig’s edited collection Social Movements and Anti-Globalization in Africa (Haymarket) centers African resistance while describing a counter-history of the present from the perspective of the grassroots. Their volume, alongside Gord Hill’s The Anti-Capitalist Resistance Comic Book: From the WTO to the G20 (Arsenal/Pulp), serves as an important primer for the movement. Vijay Prashad’s Arab Spring, Libyan Winter (AK Press) analyzes the recent history of revolution, counter-revolution, and military intervention in the Middle East and North Africa through the overthrow of Moamar Qaddaffi and the assault on Libya. In Portraits insurgés, Madagascar 1947 (Vents d’ailleurs), writer Jean-Luc Raharimanana and photographer Pierrot Men commemorate the Malagasy insurgency against a deadly but forgotten French colonialism.

An earlier history of anti-imperial and anti-globalization thought emerges in the writing of the New World Group, a cohort of intellectuals based in the West Indies during the 1960s and 1970s. Founded by Trinidad’s Lloyd Best, the New World Group considered alternative models for post-Independence Caribbean development in the context of the Cold War and against the bitter incursions of multinational capitalism. Their crucial though oft-neglected legacy is assessed in the excellent anthology The Thought of New World: The Quest for Decolonization, edited by Brian Meeks and Norman Girvan and published by Jamaica’s Ian Randle as part of their important Caribbean Reasonings series. The work of the New World Group can also be seen to have its intellectual origins in the anti-slavery and anti-colonial writings examined by Raphael Dalleo in Caribbean Literature and the Public Sphere: From the Plantation to the Postcolonial (Virginia). Dallelo’s reading of the archive of Caribbean letters, however, should be paired with Mimi Sheller’s recovery of the Caribbean’s on-the-ground claims for sovereignty. In her Citizenship from Below: Erotic Agency and Caribbean Freedom (Duke), Sheller examines the impact of sexual politics and the spheres of intimacy on post-Emancipation Caribbean politics, as do the contributors to Faith Smith’s edited collection Sex and the Citizen: Interrogating the Caribbean (Virginia).

Suzanne Césaire, a figure whose intellectual legacy has been eclipsed, regrettably, by that of her legendary husband, has had a number of her essays translated into English and collated as The Great Camouflage: Writings of Dissent (1941-1945) (Wesleyan). Césaire’s writings, on questions of colonialism, culture and power, were first published in Vichy-era Martinique in the pathbreaking Negritude journal, Tropiques. Three other journals that have made significant contributions to the study of the Black World have celebrated recent anniversaries. Caribbean Studies, the phenomenal interdisciplinary journal published by the Institute for Caribbean Studies at the University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras, has just turned fifty, having been launched in 1961. The Afro-Hispanic Review, the bilingual journal of Afro-Hispanic literature and culture founded in 1982 at Howard University and currently edited by literary critic and professor William Luis, recently turned thirty. The Caribbean Writer, based at the University of the Virgin Islands, just published a 640-page silver anniversary issue, edited by poet and critic Opal Palmer Adisa and dedicated to Haiti.

Haiti-wise, Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s Haiti-Haitii? Philosophical Reflections for Mental Decolonization (Paradigm), a hybrid study of the psychology of colonialism was translated, published, and promptly fell under the radar without receiving serious consideration. Memoire d’encrier published Michel Soukar’s novel La prison des jours, recounting a story of resistance and repression during the first US occupation of Haiti (1915-1934). Myriam J.A. Chancy’s From Sugar to Revolution: Women’s Visions of Haiti, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic (Wilfred Laurier) uses the work of women writers and artists to explore questions of national sovereignty and self-determination. Fifty-years worth of the poetry of Anthony Phelps have been anthologized in Nomade je fus de très vieille mémoire, published by Éditions Bruno Doucey, the Paris-based press that also issued the critical collection Terre de femmes: 150 ans de poésie féminine en Haïti. A Bloom of Stones: A Tri-lingual anthology of Haitian poems after the Earthquake, edited by Kwame Dawes and published by the great independent UK publisher, Peepal Tree Press, is also due out this summer.

In the US, the reassessment, reconsideration, and revision of the history of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements continues apace. In Sojourning for Freedom: Black Women, American Communism, and the Making of Black Left Feminism (Duke), Erik S. MacDuffie recovers the communities of resistance formed by black women activist intellectuals. An acoustic scrapbook of the history of Black Power can be found in Listen, Whitey! The Sights and Sounds of Black Power 1965-1975 (Fantagraphics). Martha Biondi examines the dilemmas and demands of the Black student revolt of the late 1960s and early 1970s in Black Revolution on Campus (California). Derrick E. White has written an engaging and thoroughly-researched history of the legendary Altanta-based Black activist think-tank, the Institute of the Black World, titled The Challenge of Blackness: The Institute of the Black World and Political Activism in the 1970s (Florida). Michael G. Long has edited more than 150 letters of the Civil Rights movement’s “lost prophet,” Bayard Rustin, and City Lights have published them as I Must Resist: Bayard Rustin’s Life in Letters. Two collections have appeared responding to the late Manning Marable’s depiction of Malcolm X, another prophet of the era, as he emerges in Marable’s Pulitzer-prize winning Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention. By Any Means Necessary: Malcolm X: Real, Not Invented, edited by Herb Boyd, Ron Daniels, Maulana Karenga and Haki Madhubuti and published by Africa World Press, collates more than thirty responses and reviews of Marable’s book while A Lie of Reinvention: Correcting Manning Marable’s Malcolm X, edited by Jared Ball and Todd Steven Burroughs and published by Black Classic Press, steps up with a searing yet meticulous rejoinder.

As we are seeing the reassessment of the past, we are also witnessing a reconsideration of the present – especially concerning the policies of President Obama. Medea Benjamin, for instance, evokes a harrowing portrait of the new world of modern-day diplomacy, empire, and war in Drone Warfare: Killing by Remote Control (OR Books) while in The Administration of Fear (MIT), Paul Virillio explains how state terror has become a normal part of everyday life. BBC journalist Joanne Smith elicits perspectives on the presidency from a handful of African-American thinkers in Redefining Black Power: Reflections on the State of Black America (City Lights). Jeffrey St. Clair and Joshua Frank have edited a collection that brings together fifty-five writers who have critically assessed the Obama presidency from all angles. Their must-read collection is titled Hopeless.

We began with a writer from Trinidad. We may as well end with a writer from Trinidad. Our final recommendation is for Is Just a Movie (Haymarket), Earl Lovelace’s heart-breaking, achingly beautiful, brilliantly funny novel casting post-Black Power Trinidad as a devilishly fraught parangle. Respite, indeed.

Enjoy the summer. Stay cool.

The Public Archive

editor@thepublicarchive.com

Image: Aquarius Bookstore, Los Angeles, California (March 24, 1982). Caption: Alfred and Bernice Ligon own the Aquarian Book Shop, probably the oldest black-owned bookstore in Los Angeles. They specialize in a wide range of works mostly by and about black people. Source: UCLA, Special Collections, Young (Charles E.) Research Library [Follow them on twitter: @calisphere]

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Langston Hughes’ Haiti Scrapbook, 1931

Haiti, land of blue sea and green hills, white fishing boats on the sea, and the hidden huts of peasants in the tall mountains. People strong, midnight black. Proud women whose arms bear burdens, whose backs are very straight. Children naked as nature. Nights full of stars, throbbing with Congo drums. At the capital lovely ladies ambergold, mulatto politicians, warehouses full of champagne, banks full of money. A surge of black peasants who live on the land, and the foam of the cultured elite in Port-au-Prince who live on the peasants.

Langston Hughes, from Autobiography: I Wonder as I Wander (1956), reprinted in Foreign Policy (14 January 2010)

Image: Langston Hughes, Haiti Scrapbook (ca. 1931). Yale Collection of American Literature, Bienecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Note: click here and scroll down and click on  “Multi-image set/See all images in this set” to see the contents of the scrapbook.

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Zora Neale Hurston and Haiti

Miss Zora Neale Hurston has gone afield from the scenes of her previous work . . . and turned in the inexhaustible mines of Voodoo and witchcraft in Haiti and Jamaica. Tell My Horse is a curious mixture of remembrances, travelogue, sensationalism, and anthropology. The remembrances are vivid, the travelogue tedious, the sensationalism reminiscent of Seabrook, and the anthropology a mélange of misinterpretation and exceedingly good folklore . . . . As one observer said, ‘She’d find Voodoo in anybody’s kitchen.’

But Haiti is full of the real thing. Seabrook exposed it in sensational, wishful terms. Dr. Herskovits exposed it in its coldest mathematical terms. Miss Hurston tries both. To an extent she is successful, for Voodoo in Haiti is both warmer, possessed of more poetry, than Dr. Herskovits realized, and less wild and orgiastic than Seabrook intimated. Tell My Horse is full of fine things. Miss Hurston has an immense ability for catching the idiom of dialogue, of seeing the funniest of exaggeration, or recognizing the essence of a story.

And yet, though these qualities do carry through at all times, there is a constant conflict between anthropological truth and tale-telling, between the obligation she feels to give the facts honestly and the attraction of (as one of her characters says in Mules and Men) the ‘big old lies we tell when we’re jus’ sittin’ around here on the store porch doin’ nothin’.

That Miss Hurston loves Haiti is obvious, but there is a general feeling that the material was not completely digested.

Elmer Davis, “Review of Zora Neale Hurston, Tell My Horse: Voodoo and Life in Haiti and Jamaica,” Saturday Review (October 15, 1938). Reprinted in the Zora Neale Hurston Digital Archive.

Image: Zora Neale Hurston, Tell my horse: Voodoo & Life in Haiti & Jamaica [dust wrapper.], 1938. Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.

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Cécile Fatiman, Boukman Dutty & Bois Caiman

The old slave woman, intimate of the gods, buries her machete in the throat of a black wild boar. The earth of Haiti drinks the blood. Under the protection of the gods of war and of fire, two hundred blacks sing and dance the oath of freedom. In the prohibited voodoo ceremony aglow with lightning bolts, two hundred slaves decide to turn this land of punishment into a fatherland.

Eduardo Galeano, “1791: Bois Caiman: The Conspirators of Haiti,” Faces and Masks: Memory of Fire, Volume II, Cedric Belfage, Trans., 1987.

La vieja esclava, la íntima de los dioses, hunde el machete en la garanta de un jabalí negro. La tierra de Haití bebe la sangre. Al amparo de los dioses de la Guerra y del fuego, doscientos negros cantan y danzan el juramento de la libertad. En la prohibida ceremonia de vudú, luminosa de relámpagos, los doscientos esclavos deciden convertir en patria esta tierra de castigo.

Eduardo Galeano, “1791: Bois Caiman: Los conjurados de Haiti,” Memoria del fuego: Las caras y las mascaras, Volume 2 (1984)

Image: Castera Bazile (1923–1966), “Petwo Ceremony Commemorating Bwa Kayiman,” 1950. Oil on Masonite. (58.42 x 48.9 cm) Source: Milwaukee Art Museum.

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“I live in a time of racism, discrimination, violence and exclusion. My community, the community of Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent, is the poorest and most vulnerable, subject to the cruelest denial of their rights.”

I live in a time of racism, discrimination, violence and exclusion. My community, the community of Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent, is the poorest and most vulnerable, subject to the cruelest denial of their rights.

Throughout my life I have worked for human rights in my country, especially for the migrants from the community of Haitian and Dominicans of Haitian descent. From 1976 I began to be troubled by injustices that were committed in my community. At thirteen I was arrested for being the spokesperson for a demonstration in favour of the Haitian sugar workers who lived in my batey (sugar workers’ company town ), since then I have put into practice my commitment to work for respect and dignity for humankind.

Sonia Pierre, “Testimony,” Frontline Defenders (November 2007)

She envisioned a world where light and dignity would replace the deepest injustices perpetrated on the most vulnerable populations. She amplified the voices of those no one could hear and that governments crushed into silence. Sonia could not tolerate the silence in the midst of such unattended suffering. Her fierce leadership, her dedication to protecting the human rights of women and her visionary tenacity will leave a hole in our stratosphere.

Taïna Bien-Aimé quoted in Edwidge Danticat, “Sonia Pierre leaves behind legacy of activism for Haitians in the Dominican Republic,” The Miami Herald (6 December 2011)
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Léon-Gontran Damas, 28 March 1912 – 22 January 1978

Twenty years before Frantz Fanon had organized the concept of “the colonized personality” into psychoanalytic theory, Pigments, a book of poems published in 1937 by Leon Damas, revealed the anguish of what has come to be known by that term.

Ellen Conroy Kennedy, “Leon Damas: Pigments and the Colonized Personality,” Black World/Negro Digest (January 1972)

Race, ethnie, pays, peu importe le mot, puisque dans les Antilles-Guyane, tout cela se confond. Mais qu’on se le dise, c’est de cela qu’il s’agit quand on parle de poésie de la négritude. Et c’est vrai que Damas a été un poète de la négritude, sans doute le premier d’entre eux.

Aimé Césaire, Hommage à Damas, (31 août 1978)

It may be
they dare to
treat me white
though everything within me
wants only to be black
as negro as my Africa
the Africa they ransacked

Léon-Gontran Damas, excerpted from “Whitewash” (for Christiane and Alioune Diope). First published in Pigments, translated and reprinted in Black World/Negro Digest (January 1972)

[The papers of Damas are held by the New York Public Library. The Académie Guyane hosts a digital archive of poems by Damas. Île en île has a Damas bibliography.]

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Aftershocks + Avengers: An interview with Laurent Dubois

Laurent Dubois is a Professor of Romance Studies and History at Duke University who is a specialist in the history and culture of France and the Caribbean. His publications include Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution, A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787-1804, Soccer Empire: The World Cup and the Future of France, and, most recently, Haiti: The Aftershocks of History. He is a co-director of the “Haiti Lab,” the first humanities laboratory at Duke’s Franklin Humanities Institute, he blogs on soccer and tweets as @soccerpolitics, and he is currently writing a cultural history of the banjo.

What led you to Haiti, and the French Caribbean more generally, as a site of research?

My interest in Haiti actually began when I was an undergraduate in the late 1980s, at the moment when Haitians were accused of having brought AIDS to the U.S. As a child of scientists who were partially involved in AIDS research, I knew the theories about the virus’ origins were tenuous and in many cases spurious. But I was struck by how easily the accusations against Haitians were accepted in this country. What was it about our culture that made the idea of Haiti as a source of disease seem so natural, I wondered. I was a student at Princeton, and in class with Barbara Browning, who was thinking about these issues as well – and also was lucky enough to get to know Colin Dayan (who was on a fellowship there) who helped me with my early explorations on Haiti. I delved into research on U.S. visions of Haiti, which brought me to the history of the occupation, and then to the history of the Haitian Revolution. I started delving into the history of Haiti, and of the Caribbean more broadly – and I’ve never stopped.

Your first two books, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution and A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787-1804, build upon two Caribbean texts: CLR James’ The Black Jacobins and Alejo Carpentier’s Explosion in the Cathedral, respectively. How would you define your intellectual debt to both writers and how does your own writing reconsider and revise the assumptions and premises of both texts?

What’s sustained my fascination with Caribbean history over the years is precisely the incredible array of texts that have grappled with the same questions that have pre-occupied me. The literary and intellectual production about the history of the region is absolutely remarkable – James and Carpentier are just two examples, and one could obviously go on listing many others. In writing my dissertation, which became A Colony of Citizens, I found that it was the novelist Carpentier who had most intently tried to make sense of the figure of Victor Hugues – who is central to the book – during his time as a French commissioner in Guadeloupe in the 1790s. I loved the way that he tried to make sense of the contradictions and ironies of the period of emancipation, and the questions his novels raise helped shape the historical questions I posed in the book.

My debt to James is as significant, of course: reading The Black Jacobins was, early on – for me as I think for many others – a kind of religious experience. I read it pretty much straight through, glued to my chair. I learned, of course, a lot about the Haitian Revolution, but as importantly draw from James the idea that writing history as narrative – even as epic – is an inherently political act, as much about the future as about the past. There’s a number of differences between my interpretation of the Haitian Revolution (in Avengers and also in the first chapter of Aftershocks) and that of James, but his text remains a touchstone and a model.

Can you say something about the archival sources that you discovered in writing both books?

In doing my dissertation research for A Colony of Citizens I spent two years working in archival materials about the revolutionary period. The main ones I worked in were the Archives Nationales in Paris, the Archives Nationales Section Outre-Mer in Aix-en-Provence (where most archives relating to the colonies are housed), the Archives Historiques de l’Armee de Terre in Vincennes (Military Archives), and the Archives Departementales de la Guadeloupe in Bisdary, Guadeloupe. Though that book focuses on Guadeloupe, I also read a lot of materials about Haiti, and returned to some of those as I wrote Avengers. In Haiti I also did research at the Bibliotheque Haitienne des Peres du Saint-Esprit in their collection of rare printed materials. Those materials are really incredible: as a successful slave revolt, the Haitian Revolution generated an archive that is not quite like any other I know of. I’m a big fan of notarial records, which are an amazing way into this period – the intersection between the every day and the anecdotal in them is tremendous – as well as the various kinds of correspondence that provides a way into the drama and unpredictability of a world in revolution. In writing Aftershocks I depended largely on secondary materials and published contemporary accounts of various kinds, though earlier research I had done in the U.S. National Archives on the occupation period definitely shaped my perspective on that period.

The epigraph for Avengers of the New World – “I have avenged America” – comes from Jean-Jacques Dessalines’s 1804 proclamation. What is the significance of this cryptic phrase? Additionally, Dessalines stands in Toussaint L’Ouverture’s historical shadow. What would you argue is the significance of Dessalines for Haiti today?

The phrase is rich with references and symbolic power. It’s in part a reference to a pre-revolutionary Enlightenment tradition – present in Louis-Sebastien Mercier and the Abbé Raynal – of prophesying the arrival of an “Avengers” who would lead slaves in a revolution. It’s also a kind of messianic claim that the Haitian Revolution represented a kind of revenge or redemption for all victims of European colonialism, including the indigenous people who once inhabited Haiti. It’s part of a much larger set of remarkable symbolic gestures made by Dessalines – explored wonderfully in my colleague Deborah Jenson’s recent book Beyond the Slave Narrative – that need a lot more attention. Louverture has always gotten more attention than Dessalines, at least outside Haiti. He’s a slightly more comfortable figure, I think in part simply because he died a martyr in prison and so could be depicted as a tragic figure, whereas Dessalines’ triumph was and in many ways remains deeply troubling for many observers. But I think we’re at the beginning of a great flowering of work on Dessalines: it’s time to move beyond the more familiar portraits of him and really engage seriously with him as a major Atlantic political figure and thinker.

Two criticisms have emerged concerning your recent work on Haiti. First, that in Haiti: The Aftershocks of History you gloss over the history of the rise of Jean Bertrand Aristide and the US role in his ouster. Second, that in your jointly-authored New York Times editorial on the anniversary of the earthquake, your call for building up a system of small-scale rural agricultural producers could marginalize Haitians in a way similar to which Booker T. Washington’s vision for industrial education marginalized African Americans. How would your respond to both criticisms?

I made a conscious choice in Aftershocks to focus largely on periods in Haitian history that I think are not well-known and need to be, particularly the nineteenth century and the U.S. occupation. There are a series of really excellent books that grapple with the more recent history of Aristide from 1990 to 2004, including works by Alex Dupuy, Robert Fatton Jr., and others, and I didn’t feel I had much to add to them. The point of Aftershocks is really to provide a narrative of two hundred years of history, to highlight long-term structural processes and the sedimentation of histories, and I felt like doing so would offer a different and needed perspective on the more recent history.

As for the criticism of the Op-Ed, that’s an interesting concern – but misses the point we were trying to make. The idea isn’t to somehow educate Haitians in agricultural techniques, but rather to reverse the strangulation and destruction of a system that they successfully built over the course of several generations in the country. The point was that for a long time the country had a viable and sustainable style of small-scale agricultural production that combined production for internal markets with export crops like coffee. That system was built independently by Haitians – not because anyone else told them to do it but because they saw it as the best way to secure their economic independence, and dignity in the face of both internal and external pressures. It wasn’t a system that was closed in or limiting, I’d argue. Rather, it was a form of self-reliance predicated on engaging with various national and international markets from a position of autonomy.

The reason we emphasized that in the Op-Ed is not because we think that should be the only activity in Haiti, of course. What I do believe strongly is that if you don’t reconstruct the agricultural sector, it will be very difficult for other economic developments to take root: assuring food production in the country is a necessary foundation for other projects. The historical arguments condensed into the Op-Ed are of course fleshed out in more detail in the book. Interestingly, one of the major points I make in my exploration of the U.S. occupation is about how the projects for “technical” and “agricultural” education along the Booker T. Washington model completely foundered in Haiti precisely because they didn’t actually respect or engage with the existing agricultural models that had been built in the country in the century since independence.

Tell us about the Duke Haiti Lab. What are its origins and what projects do you have lined up for the future?

The Duke Haiti Lab has been quite an adventure: we’ve been active for a year and half. The basic idea of the lab – which was the first of a series of “Humanities Labs” at Franklin Humanities Institute – is to bring together undergraduates, graduate students, and faculty to work on various collaborative projects. Our goal is to insist on the centrality of humanistic work – in history, language, and culture – to discussions about Haiti’s past, present and future.

The projects have included a collaborative art project with Edouard Duval-Carrié, called Haiti: History Embedded in Amber to a project with the Duke Law School about laws regarding violence against women in Haiti, research on the history of cholera in the country, and an ongoing project on discourses of trauma and resiliency in post-earthquake Haiti. We’ve been working on a site called the “Haiti Digital Library” that’s meant to help people looking for online resources about the history and literature of Haiti. We also had a seminar with colleagues in the Société d’Histoire et de Géographie d’Haïti on the political thought of Louverture and Dessalines. We’ve got lots of new projects in the works, including various workshops and discussions about NGOs in Haiti and work on the history of African “nations” in Saint-Domingue during the eighteenth century. I’ve started a project (one I hope to pursue with colleagues at various universities who are doing parallel work) to create an online audio-visual archive of Vodou song, and you can see an example of what we hope to do here. And we’re always interested in new ideas and projects as well.

Image: Laurent Dubois and Edward Duval Carre, Péralte (2011): Source: Haiti: History Embedded in Amber.

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DETOURS AND DISTANCE: An Interview with J. Michael Dash

http://www.sites.uconn.edu/15.1_files/image003.jpg

Born in Trinidad, J. Michael Dash is a professor in the Departments of French and Social and Cultural Analysis at New York University who has written extensively on Haitian and French Caribbean literature. His publications include Culture and Customs of Haiti (2001), The Other America: Caribbean Literature in a New World Context (1998), Haiti and the United States (1997), Literature and Ideology in Haiti: 1915-1961 (1981), and Jacques Stephen Alexis (Black Images, 1975). Dash is also the co-editor of Libète: A Haiti Anthology (1999) and the translator of Edouard Glissant’s Monsieur Toussaint: A Play (2005) and Caribbean Discourse: Selected Essays (1989).

What led you, as a citizen of the English-speaking West Indies, to embark on a life-long study of the literature and culture of the Francophone Caribbean? Can you say something about what you found during your first research trips to Haiti? Additionally, Michel-Rolph Trouillot has written about how leaving Haiti and researching Dominica shaped his understanding of the Caribbean. Did you have a similar experience?

I wish I could say I had a Haitian ancestor or that I was hoping to find my roots in the French speaking Caribbean.  Neither is the case, even though my Indo-Trinidadian grandmother did speak some French creole as it was still widely spoken in Trinidad in her youth.  My interest in the Francophone Caribbean goes back to my undergraduate education at the University of the West Indies in Jamaica where in the late Sixties some of the most interesting literature I was reading originated in the French West Indies.  Cesaire, Fanon, Alexis and Roumain were taught as part of twentieth century literature in French in 1969. When I was awarded a scholarship to do graduate work, I was advised by my supervisor, Beverley Evans (later Ormerod), to go to Port-au-Prince since few scholars were willing to work on Haiti at the time.  There were many studies of the negritude poets and Frantz Fanon in the Sixties but little on Haitian writers, except for Jacques Roumain whose work was widely disseminated.

My first trip to Haiti was in April 1970 and I remember the immigration officer in Kingston asking me why I was going there since no one in his experience ever did. This was the case because Haiti was essentially isolated at the time because of Francois Duvalier’s dictatorship and the gruesome stories that circulated about what went on in Haiti. My decision to go had much to do with the atmosphere of the late Sixties in Jamaica. The Mona campus was the place to be in the late sixties. Lloyd Best, Orlando Patterson, Kamau Brathwaite, Rex Nettleford and so on were all on the faculty at Mona. The Wailers played at the Students Union fetes. We had had the Walter Rodney demonstrations in 1968, shut the university down and occupied the Creative Arts Centre. I think the times encouraged risk-taking.  Curiously, no one from the University of the West Indies worked on Haiti then except for David Nicholls who was Anglican Chaplin and senior lecturer in Government at the St. Augustine Campus. His advice and encouragement were invaluable and we remained close friends until his death in 1996.

To my great relief I found that Haitians were very ordinary people, not all that different in fundamental ways from other Caribbean peoples.  They simply had fewer opportunities for social and educational advancement. Haiti was rigid and almost feudal compared to Jamaica and Trinidad which I knew well. They were certainly curious about what someone else from the Caribbean was studying there.  People who did research on Haiti looked foreign.  I looked too much like them. Of course I was invariably told that I could never understand Haiti, that Haiti was exceptional in so many ways. This I found amusing since most Caribbean people say this to outsiders insisting on their particular island’s uniqueness. My first stay coincided with an attempted coup staged by the Haitian Coast guard, called L’Affaire Cayard. My second stay in the following year coincided with the death of Francois Duvalier and the installation of Baby Doc, as President for life. The two individuals who were most important to facilitating my research were Serge Garoute who seemed to know all the writers and artists in Haiti and Frère Lucien of St Louis de Gonzague to whom I owe an immense debt of gratitude for making their collections available to me.

I think those early visits were crucial in two important ways. They were key to my understanding of the Caribbean region.  Another Trinidadian, CLR James, once perceptively said something to the effect that it was in Haiti that West Indians first thought of themselves as a people. I too felt that Haiti was the start of that whole West Indian experiment in post-plantation society.  Like Trouillot I felt you needed detour and distance fully grasp what you thought you had already understood at home. I lamented then, as I do now, the fragmented and insular state of Caribbean Studies as scholars invariably still tend to study the places they came from.  Secondly I felt a great admiration for Haitian writers who continued to work despite extremely difficult or even dangerous circumstance.  All the books that Frank Etienne gave me were self-published. I met Jacques Stephen Alexis’ widow who still had his unfinished manuscripts with her at the time. I thought that their courage was exemplary and their art had a certain urgency. Consequently, as a critic, I have been tough on writing that did not aspire to daring and independence.

Your first book Jacques Stephen Alexis was published by the Toronto-based journal Black Images. What led to that collaboration and what was the significance of the journal for you as a venue for Caribbean and Black World literary criticism?

Rudolph Murray’s journal Black Images took a strong interest in Francophone Caribbean Literature in the Seventies.  It may be the influence of Frederick Case who was teaching at the University of Toronto at the time.  Murray also seemed to know Vere Knight who was a Senior lecturer in French at the UWI. Black Images was also open to criticism of the negritude movement and the introduction of critical material on younger Caribbean writers.  This was like a godsend to someone who was desperately looking for outlets for articles. There were few journals that were interested in the francophone Caribbean. Prior to my association with Black Images I had one essay on Haiti in Savacou and one essay in Caribbean Studies on Alexis and Wilson Harris. Murray who always moved in mysterious ways, felt Black Images should turn to publishing monographs on Caribbean writers. He did the first under the pseudonym RM Lacovia and asked me to do the second on Jacques Stephen Alexis, which I wrote in Kano, Nigeria where I was lecturer in French. The Alexis monograph appeared in 1975, the year in which the journal ceased publication. It was never revived. I met Murray for the first time long after in Kingston and joked that if had not done the Alexis monograph his journal might still be alive.

You’ve recently published on Antenor Firmin, especially on his Letters from St. Thomas. What led you to him and what do is his significance?

Even though my research was on post-Occupation Haiti, I took a great interest in Haiti in the nineteenth century because of this sense among Haitian intellectuals that Haiti was a unique and new experience. In the 1830s for instance Emile Nau felt that Haiti’s great advantage over the United States was that, while the latter was a continuation of Europe, Haiti was an unprecedented experiment in cultural and ethnic hybridity. Haiti was the true American frontier. This was also my approach to Antenor Firmin.  Too often Firmin is seen as a black nationalist, a precursor to the negritude movement.  Nothing could be further from the truth. I wanted to reiterate the point made by Nicholls in From Dessalines to Duvalier that Firmin did not privilege race.  I also wanted to show Firmin’s interest in the Americas and the extent to which he was aware of thinkers like Dubois and Marti. The Letters from St. Thomas, written in exile on the island of St. Thomas, are brilliantly perceptive and gives a sense of how he positioned himself in the space of the Americas. Very much in the tradition of Emile Nau and other Haitian intellectuals of that century, he seems to want to destabilize narrow ideas of national identity thereby anticipating the kind of relational thought of an Edouard Glissant or the deterritorialized imagination of a Dany Laferriere.

You’ve spoken of the transition of Haiti from a “predatory state” after the first US Occupation to a “neocolonial state” after the Duvaliers. How would you characterize the nature of the Haitian state now, two years after the earthquake

Since the fall of the Duvalier dynasty in 1986, the only real gain for Haitians is the emergence of civil society that had first appeared with the anti-Duvalier opposition.  However, in recent years the emphasis on economic privatization and foreign investment has shifted the emphasis from the citizen action groups for social change to the private sector. This cannot be achieved in the absence of a strong Haitian state.  Look at the other Caribbean islands and the importance of the state to their proper functioning. For instance, cholera is now endemic in Haiti.  Do you see signs of panic in Jamaica or the Bahamas.  No because their water supply cannot be easily compromised as it is in Haiti where there is little proper sanitation and potable water. That is where proper government comes in.

Everyone laments, with good reason, the excessive presence of NGOs in Haiti but no one wants to rebuild the Haitian state which would render the NGOs unnecessary. The distrust of the Haitian state goes back to the Duvalier kleptocracy. The legacy of Duvalierism is the complete dismantling of the Haitian state.  The challenge of post Duvalierist Haiti or true dechoukaj is to create a non-authoritarian Haitian state. The radical restructuring of Haitian society can be helped by external forces, of course, but only if they are committed to long-term nation building. Haiti cannot be saved by those on the outside if only for the simple reason that a modern democratic society can neither be imposed by the well-armed nor inserted by the well-meaning. Haitians, like other Caribbean peoples, will have to find the capacity for patience and compromise and these efforts can succeed only through a truly representative and competent state. My hope is that one day Haiti will be under the radar like Barbados or St Lucia, that it will not be the destination of choice either for thrill seekers or bleeding hearts.

You were a close friend and translator of the late Edouard Glissant.  What is his enduring legacy – as a person and as an artist?

I remember reading recently that prophets are often defined by what they are not. I am not saying that Edouard Glissant was a prophet but he does represent an intellectual watershed in the Caribbean intellectual landscape. For the time being though, there is a tendency to regret what he was not. There has been a rash of criticism aimed at what critics call “the late Glissant” who is seen as blindly following Deleuzean nomadology in his apolitical celebration of global creolization.  Even his defenders have tried to construct him as a “warrior of the imaginary” or pointed to the various political pamphlets written with Chamoiseau before his death.  I think in both cases, critics are still haunted by the example of Frantz Fanon as a model for Caribbean writing. Glissant had never felt that literature should be put in the service of political causes – certainly not in a narrow, utilitarian way. He began writing at a time when a decolonized world heralded by politically committed writing was coming into being.  These new nation states were flawed and there but there was no way of imagining alternatives.  This was where literature as a new mode of cognition came in.  As I have written elsewhere, Glissant, from the outset, proposed that writers and thinkers should be approached and frequented like towns.  He said this about Faulkner and later about the figure of Toussaint Louverture.  I think his thought should be approached in this way – an urban space of diversity, open to all and facilitating various intellectual itineraries.  Perhaps, in accordance with the creole saying quoted in one of the epigraphs of Caribbean Discourse, “An neg se an siec” ( a black man is a century), the Glissantian century has only just begun

In your essay “Edouard Glissant: The Poetics of Risk,” you’ve written that Glissant “was never inclined to write about himself” and that “the absent self, the missing author seems to run counter to the autobiographical impulse and the desire for self-affirmation that are deeply rooted in the literary imagination of the Caribbean.” It also seems that the self is absent in your own writing. Why is that? And have you ever had an autobiographical urge and, if so, how would you shape it?

The short answer is that I would resist the autobiographical impulse.  Of course, having said this I think that literary criticism is always implicitly autobiographical. It is about grappling with often very personal issues through readings of literary texts.  In any case, I see myself as an intermediary, a kind of broker, between writers and readers.  I was also taught very early to avoid the explicitly personal in critical essays.  That reflex remains until this day.

Which writers, from the Francophone Caribbean and elsewhere, do you want to see more writing on?

At present, there is too much emphasis on fiction from the Caribbean.  Indeed, I wonder whether there should not be a moratorium on essays on certain novels like Chamoiseau’s Texaco and Chauvet’s Amour.  How is it that so much scholarly writing on Franketienne, Maximin, Glissant or even Cesaire can ignore their poetry.  The only work by the poet Rene Philoctete that has been translated is a rather weak novel Massacre River. A major poet such as Magloire St Aude has disappeared completely.  Poetry is completely overshadowed by prose.  I am not sure why this is so except that there is a tendency to read literature allegorically and prose lends itself to this approach.

So I think it is time there was more critical attention directed to poets as a whole.  Antillean poets such as the prolific Henri Corbin in works such as Lieux d’ombre (1991) and Plongee au gré des deuils (1999) and the densely experimental Monchoachi in L’espere-geste (2003) deserve serious attention.  Similarly, the short-lived movement Haiti-Littéraire which produced Rene Philoctete, Anthony Phelps and Davertige among others who saw the early surrealist Magloire St Aude as their literary forebear. In more recent times, the densely elliptical George Castera, who writes in Creole and French, keeps this experimental tradition in Haitian poetry alive in his prize-winning collection Le trou du souffleur.

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